presented at the workshop “Funny Indefinites – Different Kinds of

mass nouns) turn out to be compatible with it upon closer inspection. Concerning the fact that (non-NPI-)quelque seems to behave like a positive polarity item, the authors argue for an account in terms of a processing interaction between its existential force, which is located on the at-issue level, and the non-identification and indirect-evidence requirements, which are located on the level of conventional implicatures. Finally, they take a look at the diachronic development of quelque, arguing that the anti-specificity requirement is already present in early stages.